Speech by the Honorable Michaëlle Jean Solutions Summit: Haiti Counts Organized on the sidelines of the 80th United Nations General Assembly New York, September 22, 2025 Excellencies, Distinguished delegates, Dear colleagues and friends, I thank you for the honor of addressing this assembly, at a time of unprecedented gravity for Haiti. Your presence here holds profound meaning for a people who have valiantly contributed to the universal advancement of human rights and freedom, but who today feel painfully abandoned. Haiti was born from a revolution that changed the course of humanity; a republic forged in the rejection of tyranny and racism, courageously affirming the universal ideals of freedom and human dignity. Yet this same nation now finds itself on its knees, facing one of the worst episodes of its contemporary existence. After practically a decade without elections, leaving the country without any elected authority, and after five successive years of transitional governance, the Haitian population is crushed under the daily weight of extreme insecurity, an acute humanitarian crisis and an almost total collapse of public institutions. The Presidential Transition Council (CPT), invested with the solemn mission of restoring order and leading the country toward credible elections, has, alas, failed on almost all fronts. As its mandate ends on February 7, 2026, Haiti is dangerously heading toward an absolute institutional vacuum, without legitimate authority in place. Faced with this most concerning prospect, the urgency of achieving a Haitian, sovereign, inclusive solution based on sufficient consensus has become an imperative necessity. It is in this spirit that the PATRIOTIC CONGRESS FOR NATIONAL SALVATION was born. This citizen initiative was carried by a collective bringing together fifteen of Haiti's most prestigious public and private universities, from the ten geographical departments of the country, as well as by the Haitian Studies Association, an international network bringing together more than a thousand researchers and academics working on Haitian issues. These institutions were joined by about twenty organizations from a plural and engaged civil society. Together, these institutions initiated a structured dialogue process, through the holding of twelve congresses: ten regional congresses, one diaspora congress and one National Synthesis Congress. This vast consultation exercise brought together a great diversity of political, social, economic, institutional, academic actors, as well as hundreds of citizens from all backgrounds. For the first time, new voices, from the academic world, the regions, the diaspora and an intelligentsia long remaining on the sidelines of political debate, have expressed themselves with determination. They now assert themselves as fully engaged actors in building their country's future, taking part in collective reflection where political actors and vital forces of society unite their efforts to think together about the major challenges facing the nation. Since I lent my voice to the Declaration of March 27, 2025, calling citizens of good will to engage in this patriotic approach, major advances have been recorded. But much remains to be done. However, throughout the ongoing work, four major points of consensus have already emerged from the exchanges: First, the assessment of the Presidential Council's failure in its current form is unanimous; deemed too heavy, too costly, ineffective and not credible. Two main governance alternatives are emerging: on one hand, a streamlined and more credible version of the CPT; on the other hand, an institutional option more in line with the spirit of the Constitution and the country's republican traditions, entrusting the presidency of the transition to a judge of the Court of Cassation. In both cases, the formation of a restricted technocratic government is envisaged, composed of experienced senior officials rather than political leaders. Second, a fairly broad consensus has emerged around the need to avoid any haste or risky rupture: no need to open Pandora's box. Any governance change should occur at the scheduled end of the current mandate, not before; leaving the necessary time for rigorous planning, involving the CPT, in implementing an orderly, responsible and organized transfer of power. Third, while the need to reform the Constitution is widely shared, the current process is however massively rejected for its lack of legitimacy, transparency and popular anchoring. It therefore appears imperative to start anew on new bases, with an approach led by legitimate authorities based on work already accomplished by experts in the field, and truly involving the population. Fourth, and above all, security and elections remain the two absolute priorities. Restoring security is a non-negotiable imperative, a sine qua non condition for organizing democratic, free and truly credible elections. Regarding security, the recent intentions expressed by the international community to deploy a gang suppression force, under UN mandate, seem to mark a step in the right direction because it reflects a strategic awareness: tackling gangs in Haiti means targeting an essential local link in the chain of powerful transnational organized crime networks, involved in arms, drug and organ trafficking. I say "seem to mark a step in the right direction," because for over three years, the Haitian population has been victim of the procrastination and persistent inertia of the international community. And nothing, to date, guarantees that in six to nine months, we will not still be mired in sterile debates about how to help this population emerge from an unbearable hell. The national security forces, seriously under-equipped and largely overwhelmed, cannot compete with the transnational criminal networks operating in the territory. This situation, it must be recognized, is partly the result of unfortunate choices, failures and inconsistencies in past actions of the international community. International sanctions targeting gang leaders have in no way reduced their capacity to harm, nor slowed the ease with which they acquire sophisticated weapons and ammunition, particularly from the United States and the Dominican Republic, completely escaping the control of national security forces. The Kenyan mission ends in a few days and its inability to produce tangible results is already perceived as a form of success by those who do not truly wish Haiti to succeed. What Haiti urgently needs today is immediate, serious and lasting military cooperation, aimed at significantly strengthening the capacities of its national security forces; including the National Police and the Armed Forces, yes, the Army. Excellencies, dear friends, Allow me to conclude my remarks by saluting the joint efforts of Chatham House and Global Canada, who provide decisive support to the essential quest for a lasting solution for Haiti. I extend my sincere thanks to them for offering me this platform, which allows me to carry and amplify the glimmer of hope beginning to emerge from the heart of Haiti, through the collective work of the Patriotic Congress. This process represents a path both realistic and pragmatic toward security, credible elections and the restoration of democratic legitimacy. Let us not abandon Haiti. Let us unite our efforts. Let us act together, with determination, and without delay. I thank you.